My first attempt at something remotely anthropological...

Here is my first attempt at defining a research topic/question for my project. I'm sure this will need further refining, but it will be interesting to revisit this in a couple of months and examine how far away from my original plan my final output actually strayed.


Assignment: Write a statement, of no more than two single-spaced pages, outlining a topic, the social scientific problem it presents, some ruling question/s, and a specification of field site. The subject matter may be your research project or an imaginary, but otherwise feasible project. 

Since the early 1990s, Ivory Coast has faced an amalgam of political, economic and other forms of societal conflict. Even though the breakout of the civil war resulting in the partition of the country in 2002 is considered by many as the highpoint of this tension (and hence the focus of the greatest amount of academic inquiry), the reality is that Ivory Coast, like many countries that have been disturbed by civil conflict, moved and continues to move through a multiplicity of phases that have shaped its current socio-political landscape. Throughout these transformations, popular music has been recognized to have played a substantive role (McGovern, 2011). In this context, “popular music” is recognized as distinct from “traditional music” in what Austin Emielu defined as ”African pop”, “a social concept which is constructed or created through prevailing socio-historical processes” (Emielu, 2011). As such, the emergence of the Zouglou genre in the early 90s and Coupé-Décalé in 2002 - both periods being coterminous with heightened levels of social tension in the country - can be seen as forms of communal response to the perceived imbalances and injustices that these styles were constructed to confront.

This assumption is made evident through a study of the lyrics and themes of the music that has been produced during these periods; however, as noted by Rob Rosenthal and Richard Flacks, song meanings as constructed by audiences are a factor of several complex dynamics including genres, musical codes, sonority, live performance, artistes’ images etc. Lyrics are therefore not equal to the message received by the audience (Rosenthal & Flacks, 2011). This difficulty with semantics is further compounded by the impossibility to positively measure the impacts of these musical styles on the nurturing or resolution of the struggles out of which they arose. In this light, the use of ethnography as a set of methods and framework to present and understand the culture and motivations of the actors engaged in the structuring of the musical, social and political landscape of Ivory Coast seems to be a necessary task. Moreover, by studying the divergences of these two particular musical styles (i.e Zouglou and Coupé-Décalé) one might be able to unmask convergences and thus abstract generalizations on the relationships that exist between music and social dynamics, in particular war and peace.

Zouglou can easily be seen as a medium through which marginalized youths have asserted themselves as a group, and have created a discursive space to communicate their demands for social inclusion and intergenerational justice to a national audience (Schumann, 2012). In this respect, Zouglou has already been the subject of an extensive body of academic study and has since received the most of attention. However, Coupé-Décalé’s function in the conflictual relationships that have shaped the country’s socio-political landscape since 2002 is less readily definable. Described by some as a form of social escapism (Boka, 2013) and a mostly apolitical musical style (Kohlhagen, 2004), existing studies of Coupé-Décalé seem to view it through a purely musicological or sociological lens, with most focusing on the ostensible meanings recovered from an analysis of the song lyrics and the lifestyles that the artistes aim to project. This music is seen by many scholars and journalists as a way for Ivoirians to merely cope with the instability that debilitated their country during that period. In 2005, Vladimir Cagnolari wrote “For a few hours, the room was transformed into an ephemeral festive temple of recklessness and "fun" that confronted the socio-political problems of a country that is still waiting for peace. …In a musical landscape dominated by patriotic and military music, Coupé-Décalé arrives as a breath of fresh air to forget the difficult context in which Ivorians are living.” (Cagnolari, 2005)

However, if we agree with Rosenthal and Flacks in their claim that meanings in music are complex and dynamic things associated with a myriad of factors that are at times out of the artistes’ control, we can then reform Coupé-Décalé as a form of subliminal political confrontation whose concealed meanings need to be uncovered. By viewing Coupé-Décalé as more than mere music, but rather as a subculture of sorts with actors influencing it from both sides of its boundaries, we can attempt to delayer it and thus better comprehend the concealed political undertones it carries. Why for example, one might ask, did the original perpetrators of the movement (the ‘Jet Set’ as they called themselves) organize themselves as a form of “government”? (President Douk Saga, Papa Ministre etc.)  Was this purely coincidental? Or was it the result of a conscious (or subconscious) process that attempted to reclaim the political order of a country whose elected officials were failing to perform their duties.

In attempting to resolve the problems outlined above, spending time in the field is a necessary process that will be characterized with data collection and other means of empirical research. As such, the “field” will be defined as the landscape through which this music was birthed and the environment that contributed to its evolution. It may therefore be challenging to circumscribe this field to a definitive spatial locality since these two musical styles are transcontinental in both their inception and proliferation. Zouglou was indeed born in the harsh conditions of Ivory Coast’s universities but “exported” to Europe, while Coupé-Décalé was spawned in posh Parisian nightclubs and “imported” back to Ivory Coast. These styles can consequently be said to have had both “local” and “foreign” impacts, however defined from the frame of reference that one decides to take. The site of this project will thus span the same global expanses as the music it aims to analyze and occur both in France and in Ivory Coast, more specifically in Paris and Abidjan. Within these cities, any institution that may lend itself to the promotion of a discursive, observational or participatory process between the investigator and the identified actors will serve as a space to undertake research. Examples of such institutions range from university campuses to nightclubs, and from formal governmental bodies to concert venues.

As noted earlier, Zouglou and Coupé-Décalé were born amid troubling circumstances in Ivory Coast. Even though it is daunting to readily identify the specific impacts of these musical styles on the socio-political situation of the country, one can irrefutably claim that these genres did have an impact. By using ethnography to collect data on these influences from a varied collection of actors ranging from artistes to scholars, an account of the methods with which the musical arts can be used as a form of defense against societal angst can be created. This research would fit into a larger body of work aimed to better understand the nexus between music and social transformations as seen from an offensive (music as a catalyst to press for social change) or defensive (music as a means to combat external forces attempting to reshape the status quo) standpoint.

References

Boka, A. (2013). Le sens d'un genre musical en Afrique. L'Harmattan.

Cagnolari, V. (2005, 04 18). RFI Musique - Archives. Retrieved 10 12, 2014, from RFI: http://www.rfimusique.com/musiquefr/articles/064/article_15448.asp

Emielu, A. (2011). Some theoretical perspectives. Popular Music, 371–388.

Kohlhagen, D. (2004). FRIME, ESCROQUERIE ET COSMOPOLITISME, Le succès du « coupé-décalé » en Afrique et ailleurs. Politique africaine, 92-100.

McGovern, M. (2011). Making War in Cote d'Ivoire.

Rosenthal, R., & Flacks, R. (2011). Playing for Change : Music and Musicians in the Service of Social Movements. Paradigm Publishers.

Schumann, A. (2012). A GENERATION OF ORPHANS: THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC CRISIS IN CÔTE D’IVOIRE AS SEEN THROUGH POPULAR MUSIC. The Journal of the International African Institute, 535-555.

Portrayal of Paris in the social imaginary of Zouglou music.

“A Paris quand tu vois un blanc, il est sale mais sa maison est propre. Mais quand tu vois un noir il est propre mais sa maison est saaaaale…”

“In Paris when you see a white person, he is dirty but his house is clean. But when you see a black person, he is clean but his house is diiiiirrrrtyyyy…”

Since the inception of my project, I have often received commentary on the benefits that such an experience would provide. Yet, I cannot help but notice that to many of my interlocutors, their attraction to this project revolves mostly around France.  Comments such as “I can’t believe you will get to tour Europe for a whole year!” or “I really wish I could come enjoy some red wine on the streets of Paris with you” seem to drive this point home. Despite my attempts to mention that my European leg is followed by an even longer African one, I realize that the forces associated with North America’s fascination with Europe constantly undermine my efforts. Indeed, Paris is the object of much wonderment and admiration in many cultures. Love, romance, architecture, food and wine are just some of the prevalent archetypes associated with this city in the western social imaginary. Similarly some of the same motifs are also present in African societies (possibly due to globalization); however, there are other peculiar ones that are specific to their respective contexts.

The years 1999 and 2000 can arguably be described as the “confirmation” years for Zouglou music. It is during these years that Magic System released their 1er Gaou hit song which went on to top several African, European and American music charts (see previous blog post here: http://renaissancejuste.blogspot.ca/2014_02_01_archive.html). This success validated Zouglou as a musical style and provided a certain degree of exposure to other artists. During this period, several albums featured at least one song with Paris as its central theme.  Magic System’s Un gaou à Paris (Translated: An idiot in Paris) or Secret D’Africain (translated: African secret) or Petit Yodé and L’enfant Siro Bengué (Paris in Ivorian street slang) are all examples of such songs.

A striking characteristic that a lot of these songs share is the representation of Paris (possibly synonymous with France) as a form of societal aspiration. In Un gaou à Paris, Magic System recounts the challenges of an immigrant’s first day in Paris. The lyrics provide insight and stark observations on the realities of life in the West as seen from an outsider’s perspective.  Asalfo (the group’s lead) sings about things ranging from the cold weather to the “coldness” of the people.

Translation	Original
I left Abidjan and it was 34 deg C In Paris it was 2 deg C. … You don’t smoke yet you see smoke coming out of your mouth … What kind of country is this where people don't greet each other? Everyone seems to be in a hurry.	Je quitte Abidjan à 34 deg Arrive à Paris, 2 deg … Tu ne fumes pas, fumée sort de ta bouche … C’est quel pays où il n’y a pas bonjour Tout le monde est pressé

While most of the song deals with the disillusionment of the gaou faced with the harsh realities of European life, it begins with the following lyrics:

Translation	Original
My dream was to go to Paris I didn’t know what was waiting for me over there.	Mon rêve c’était d’aller à Paris Je ne savais pas ce qui m’attendait

This immigration “dream” accurately reflects the ambitions of many Ivorian and (without fear of over-generalization) possibly West African youths. Looking back at my experiences growing up in Benin, Ivory Coast and Ghana, Paris in French speaking countries, and London or “Yankee” (US) in English speaking countries, unquestionably had an important symbolic function in the social fabric in these regions. As youths, we all aspired to eventually further our education “abroad”.  Even though this was partly due to our countries lacking the proper educational infrastructure to accommodate our academic ambitions, I also believe that we unknowingly succumbed to some of the latent effects of colonialism. To us, “abroad” offered more than a space to pursue post-secondary education; it was also a means to socially assert ourselves amongst our peers.  In school, kids who had spent summers in those cities were considered with higher regard than kids who spent their vacations at home. Moreover, clothes and electronics purchased “abroad” held intrinsically more value in our eyes (It is fair to note that in certain instances such items were either simply not available on our local markets or their cost was prohibitive). In short, “abroad” was always considered better than “here”.

The pretense of Paris (France, Europe, The West, “abroad”, however you want to call it.) as a perfect place is strong in the social imaginary of young West-Africans. It is this notion that Petit Yodé and l’Enfant Siro attempt to combat in their song Bengué.

Translation

Original

Since our childhood, people keep telling us that France is this dreamland, a place full of fun, a true earthly paradise. But you know that white people don’t pick names at random. If they call you Sylvester Black, it means you’re black, or Francis The Goat it means you probably look like a goat. They named their country France. When as black people we heard the word “francs”, our minds went   directly to money. However, when they say “France”, “francs” are really for white people and suffering (soufFRANCE) for black people.

Depuis on est petit, on nous parle de la France comme pays de rêve, pays de loisir, un paradis sur terre. Vous même vous savez, blanc il ne donne pas nom cadeau. S’il t’a appelé Sylvain le Noir c’est que tu es noir, Francois Mouton, tu ressembles à mouton. Ils ont appele leur pays France, nous les noirs quand on a entendu “francs” directement on a pensé à l’argent Pourtant quand on dit la France, “francs” là c’est pour les blancs, et la souffrance pour les noirs

With obligatory humour and poignant observations, they attempt to demystify the myth built around Paris in Ivorian youth culture. Paris is not necessarily portrayed as a bad place, it is depicted instead as a place with its own set of challenges (racism, hard labour, culture shock etc.) that a young immigrant might not necessarily be equipped to tackle. The phrase “Bengué est dur, Paris est dur comme caillou” (translated: Paris is hard, Paris is as hard as a rock) echoes throughout the song as if to warn potential immigrants of the hardships and tribulations that await them on the other side. The song concludes with “À Paris là-bas faites la différence parce que il y a les bons djossi” (translated: The difference in Paris is that there are some good “Mcjobs”). With this, Yodé and Siro acknowledge that despite all of its flaws, Paris can still be a city ripe with opportunities for hard working immigrants. Yet, their key point remains: Paris is not an easy city.

In less than 90 days, I will also begin my very own experience in Bengué. Between the North American and African influences that have shaped my perceptions, I have developed a complex notion of this city which makes me apprehensive. However that doesn’t matter since I will probably develop new opinions as my visit comes to an end. One thing will probably remain unchanged though : Paris will still be expensive as hell!