For over 10 years now, dancers
from all over French-speaking Africa and the Diaspora have been wiggling and
strutting to the energetic sounds of Coupe Decale music. While the origins of
this music are widely debated and its paternity contested amongst various
individuals, it is likely that it originated in the discotheques of the
Parisian suburbia – more particularly in Montreuil. In 2002, Douk Saga
popularized this music and exported it back to Abidjan under the guidance of
David Monsoh, his manager at the time. The success was immediate and quite
extraordinary. In the hands of Ivorian DJs and singers, Coupe Decale production
became a resolutely local affair and reached all corners of the country. Originally
in Ivory Coast, but then all over Africa and the French overseas departments,
the spark of Coupe Decale ignited a powder keg that spawned a culture that
endures even today.
This success however, raises some
pertinent questions. This is because Coupe Decale’s phenomenal rise to fame was
conterminous with the worst political crisis Ivory Coast had ever come to face.
In addition Coupe Decale is a genre that is for many considered a musique d’ambience (party music), and
considering the period that fostered its emergence, strikingly apolitical. Why
did such joyous sounds emanate from a country that was so evidently facing a
debilitating crisis? What messages did this music try to convey, and how were
these received, interpreted and redistributed? Simply put, what factors contributed
to Coupe Decale’s success first in Cote D’Ivoire, but also in other places; and
why is this music still popular today? While these questions may appear
deceptively simple, attempting to search for their answers is arduous and often
raises additional questions. Part of the reason is because semiotically, Coupe
Decale’s messages are encoded in such ambivalent ways that their interpretation
is often only suggestive of meanings, rather than definitive answers. Moreover,
Coupe Decale cannot be understood, let alone analyzed without fully situating
it within a complex macro-context. Thus to understand Coupe Decale one has to
understand Ivorian music, and to understand Ivorian Music it is important to
have a sensibility about African music but also black music in general.
While the scholarship on African
music and its relation to politics is extensive, there has been more limited
research undertaken on the subject of Ivorian popular music and even less on
Coupe Decale. Moreover, much of the study on Coupe Decale has tended to
characterize it as simply party music void of ostensible political messages. In
addition the dubious origins of the genre, which many people believe was
originated by individuals engaged in fraudulent activities have made Coupe Decale
a fairly controversial affair from its onset. Understanding and analyzing
Coupe Decale must then first begin with a general semantic and textual analysis
of the songs, extend to other implicit codes that the music may transport, and
finally position this music within its social field.
Coupe Decale – Playing with
Meanings?
What do the words Coupe Decale
mean? A literal translation from the French language would render “Cut” and “Shift”.
However in Coupe Decale culture, it is often the case that appearances are
deceiving and consequently require us to seek meanings elsewhere. One likely
place would be in Nouchi, Ivory Coast’s own brand of French. Nouchi is an urban
vernacular created and spoken in the streets of Abidjan characterized by “loans
form major national languages, French as well as English. Its vocabulary is
also constructed from onomatopoeia, metaphors and feeds on news and social
phenomena. Thus, in order to define or translate a word, it is often necessary
to restate all the history associated with the word in question!” (Solo, xxxx).
In Nouchi “Couper” does not mean “to cut” as it does in standard French, but
rather to steal or to deceive (i.e. from the French idiom faire un coup) and the verb “Decaler” could mean to disappear or
run away. Thus, Coupe Decale could be said to be a music promoting deceit and
escape. But whom was this music purporting to deceive? And what were these
actors attempting to break away from?
A popular answer comes from
Domenic Kollaghen. “Coupe Decale then celebrates those who went abroad to unscrupulously
make gains and returned home to travailler
(literally: work). Travailler here
means partying in a nightclub, donning fashionable clothes, offering champagne
and distributing cash to prove one’s success.” (Kollaghen xxxx) This negative
connotation presented by Kollaghen in this description is not necessarily
exclusive, but rather reflects a popular and perfectly reasonable
interpretation given to the words “Coupe Decale” in Ivory Coast and elsewhere.
However, it would be unjust to settle for this meaning without carrying out
further inquiry.
Hence, another reading of Coupe
Decale asserts that it was inspired by the Akoupe ethnicity of Cote D’Ivoire
who had a very peculiar dancing style. This dance executed with cutlasses
apparently bears some resemblance to the original form of Coupe Decale. Yaya
Kone, among others, has rejected this claim as he states that this hypothesis is not very
plausible...since investigations have demonstrated that Coupe Decale has a
stronger affiliation with contemporary Congolese dances than with traditional
Ivorian dances. This interpretation, probably constructed a posteriori, was in all probability an
attempt to save Coupe Decale from all the bad publicity it was receiving.
A third avenue should be explored
if one is to fully exhaust all fields of inquiry related to the analysis of the
word Coupe Decale. That is literal translation of corporal language. In its original
form, Coupe Decale’s choreography consisted of diagonally slicing the air with
the edge of the hand (the “Cut/Couper” motion), and throwing one’s leg back (the
“Shift/Decaler” motion). When
asked about the origins of the genre, Lino Versace an important precursor of
the movement recalls:
In 2001 I met Douk Saga (RIP). I already knew Boro Sanguy and we often met
together for drinks from time to time. We invented this joyful and cheerful dance
step because of the stress we faced during the week. On the weekend, we had to
relax and have fun. We met in Night Clubs and enjoyed ourselves.
We had not really given name to this dance. We called it "Coupé
Cloué" (Cut Nailed) because the step seemed a little bit stationary. Then we
were inspired just like that, in his own Coupé Cloué, Douk Saga enjoyed shifting
around so we called it Coupé Decalé. Then each of us brought a personal touch,
and some imagination. Derivatives came about such as s’envoler (flying) planer
(hovering), chinois (Chinese) etc. Then the DJs followed. DJ Jacob went to
Abidjan at the time (he was a DJ at Atlantis Night Club) and went to the studio
to record an album that sold well. Douk Saga followed. (Grioo, 2009)
My own inquiries amongst various
actors who contributed to the genesis of the music imply that the words
“Couper” and “Decaler” were simply ways to articulate Douk Saga’s particular
dance style. However my interlocutor also recalled that Douk Saga was not
trained as a musician or dancer, and even suffered from a throat infection. This
reflected into the very particular brand of call-and-response music that characterized
early Coupe Decale music. In his original manager’s words, “Douk Saga was a businessman”.
The deliberate ambiguity with
Douk Saga’s producer approached the question of his profession prior to being
an artist sends us back to the original point. Does Coupe Decale really
celebrate as Kollaghen argues, the unscrupulous gains of Ivorian/African youths
gone derrière l’eau (literally: across
the water, but in Nouchi this means traveling to Europe or North America) and
their glorious return back home characterized by ostentatious displays of
dubiously acquired wealth? Or is it simply a name to which an inaccurate
interpretation has been linked; an interpretation poles apart from the original
signification.
It is my thesis that Coupe
Decale exploits a culture of clever polysemy that is characteristic of African
modes of communication. As such, the meaning of Coupe Decale could arguably be effectively present in all of the evidence
presented in this text, while at the same time not mean any of those things at
all. Coupe Decale’s meaning is
constantly reinvented and re-appropriated by its actors. Nuggets of meanings
only become apparent once we analyze the messages encoded in the lyrics,
dances, fashion, and discourses of
its actors. Such codes could hint that despite its apparent lack of lyrical
complexity, Coupe Decale could still be
an unidentified political object as
described by Denis Constant Martin (Martin, 1989). Understanding these codes
holistically would then be paramount to gaining a clear understanding of the
true importance of this music in the Ivorian/African socio-political landscape.
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